Introduction: The Democracy Paradox
Journalist: “Mr. Gandhi, what do you think of Western civilization?” Gandhi: “I think it would be a good idea.”
“Maybe we spend far too much of our national budget establishing military bases around the world rather than bases of genuine concern and understanding.” – Martin Luther King Jr.
“It is in the nature of imperialism that citizens of the imperial power are always among the last to know – or care – about circumstances in the colonies.” – Bertrand Russell
The core Western narrative of a manichean struggle between democracy and tyranny masks a dangerous reality. The Global Apartheid Project documents major crimes by democracies and dictatorships. An in-depth analysis of the 74 largest mass killings since 1769 reveals that democracies killed more than 30 percent of all innocent victims – while they were home to about 15 percent of the world’s population. In other words: they had higher state murder rates. How do we best explain this counterintuitive finding?
Democracy compels political elites to prioritize their citizens’ interests, leaving noncitizens vulnerable and voiceless. Democracies murdered very few of their own citizens. But they killed astonishingly high numbers of noncititzens all around the world. Many large democracies have been members of the prestigious great power club throughout modern history. And power had a much bigger impact on state murder rates than regime type.
In an interview with me the Indian Nobel laureate in economics Amartya Sen said about British colonialism: “The Empire itself had an element of contradiction in it. Britain was the great Empire at that time. But it also played a role that took it beyond that. These contradictions indicated something unusual about which we have reasons to think about. The imperial period was particularly nasty. But there were tolerant thinkers like Adam Smith and David Hume who thought of people in other countries as like them.” In his fascinating memoir “Home in the World” Sen recalls how he visited relatives in British prisons as a child and participated in exciting debates about the independence struggle. At the age of ten he witnessed the Bengal famine of 1943. He distributed one can of rice to each of the starving. “The incessant cries for help still ring in my ears today,” he writes. The family takes in a half-starved boy. The colonial government censored all reports of starvation. Decades later Sen’s studies prove British responsibility for 2 to 3 million victims. Later in the book he describes his ship voyage from Bombay to London, on which he was plagued by fears of the imperial metropolis. Because of his childhood memories he imagines London to be a dark, shocking place. But he is pleasantly surprised to arrive in a quite peaceful and joyful city. He thinks often and intensely about the colonial era. He underlines that India’s founding fathers had to wait until independence before they could use British ideas on democracy and progress. He quotes the famous Indian poet Tagore – a friend of his family -, who spoke of the great tragedy “that what is truly best in their own culture, the preservation of the dignity of human relationships, has no place in the British administration of this country”. This project is all about this basic contradiction of Western imperialism – democracy at home, tyranny abroad -, which is responsible for many conflicts and misunderstandings between the West and the Global South from the colonial age until today.
Let me start with a warning. Many readers will find the basic thesis of this project very hard to believe. It is counterintuitive and seemingly paradoxical. But a close reading of the facts demonstrates that the power politics of the most prosperous, democratic and peaceful nations on the planet have been a major source of poverty, tyranny and war around the globe in the modern age. There is a simple reason for this bitter irony: democracy forces the political elite of a country to take the needs of citizens into account. Politicians compete for their votes. They need their loyalty. Democracies empower their citizens. We should expect democracies to work well for the majority of citizens. Even minorities can use their rights to vote, protest and take legal action to limit discrimination and oppression. Full citizenship certainly does not bring full equality. But it helps the struggle for equality like little else. Democracy means government of citizens, by citizens, for citizens.
But what about noncitizens? When democratic governments violate the rights of noncitizens, their victims cannot vote them out of office or take them to court. All their democratic procedures, checks and balances and constitutional norms protect citizens first and foremost. That’s why we cannot simply assume strong connections between domestic and foreign policy. Political scientist John Mearsheimer writes: “One can easily distinguish between good and bad states when assessing internal conduct, such distinctions however tell us very little about international politics.”
Democracy is one of the greatest inventions of all time. It has been a powerful force for good throughout modern history. We need to treat democracy as a precious gift worth fighting for. This project shows that democracies have shown much greater respect for the rights of citizens than dictatorships. It does also show that democracies have often shown at least a little more respect for the rights of noncitizens. But it also presents scientific evidence which clearly demonstrates that leading democracies have routinely and systematically behaved like dictatorial governments towards noncitizens. Their own citizens would never accept the ruthless methods which democracies have regularly used to oppress noncitizens in far-away countries. This project documents a shocking disregard for ethical norms by democratic nations in every area of international politics. Again and again, Western politicians and pundits have misused the language of human rights to violate the human rights of noncitizens around the world. Again and again, they have used talk of democracy as a cover for deeply undemocratic politics abroad. I don’t mean to provoke or exaggerate. I will back all my claims with studies from historians, social scientists and organizations like the World Bank, the OECD or the World Health Organization.
The huge gap between the concern for citizens and noncitizens has been of great historical significance since the birth of democracy. Most large democracies have been members of the prestigious great power club for decades and centuries. Democracies – first Britain and later the United States – have been the most powerful states in the international system since the Industrial Revolution. This is no coincidence. Mass prosperity and education are the most important root causes of both democracy and power. That’s why most of the world’s richest countries have been democracies in the modern age. According to my own research roughly 15 percent of the world’s population lived in advanced democracies in 2017. The Global Wealth Report 2017 by Credit Suisse shows that they owned about 79 percent of the world’s wealth. The average citizen of an advanced democracy owned 196.238 USD in wealth. The average citizen of a nondemocracy or semidemocracy owned only 9.147 USD. This means that the average citizen of an advanced democracy owned more than 21 times as much wealth as the average citizen of an authoritarian system. Wealth means power – and this power can be used to help or harm others.
This project draws upon research from across the social sciences to show that the modern world system has been dominated by Janus-faced democracies, which have shown much greater respect for the basic rights of their own citizens than other regime types while violating the basic rights of millions of noncitizens in every world region. The leading democracies have used their wealth, power and superior technology in sophisticated ways to structure, influence and manipulate global politics. They have been the top dogs of the modern world order.
Part I of this project presents the basic theory. I take a closer look at the ideological structure of democratic tribalism, the historic roots of democratic imperialism and the latest research on the so called democratic peace theory.
For Part II I have conducted an in-depth study of the 74 largest mass atrocities committed by democracies and nondemocracies since 1769, which took me over a decade to finish. Its main findings are counterintuitive: democratic pioneers killed significantly more innocent people in the last 250 years in relation to their population sizes than dictatorships. According to my analysis advanced democracies were home to roughly 14.5 percent of the world population from 1769 to 2018. But they murdered about 36 percent of all civilians killed by governments and insurgencies in the 74 largest mass killings. Democratic pioneers were significantly overrepresented when it comes to state murder. They had higher state murder rates than nondemocracies. As my theory predicts, the vast majority of the people murdered by democratic governments weren’t citizens. Even if we use the highest expert estimates on the number of people killed by authoritarian regimes and the lowest estimates for the number of people killed by democratic pioneers, they still add up to a higher state muder rate for democracies.
The analysis includes wars, genocides and other state murders as well as politically induced famines and epidemics. It contains short articles on all of the 74 largest mass killings since 1769 and a thorough discussion of major findings. The precise numbers are unknown. So I give ranges of plausible estimates, which are based on the best expert estimates. Since our standards for what we call a democracy have changed dramatically over time, I use low standards for democracy, which do not even require women’s suffrage, before the end of World War I and a much higher standard after that. I compare the democratic frontrunners in every time period with the rest of the world. The final results of my multifaceted analysis need to be understood as tentative estimates, which are meant to stimulate scientific research and public debate. My goal is to give readers a rough idea about the magnitudes of the crimes committed by the democratic pioneers and authoritarian regimes in the modern age.
This correlation between democracy and state murder rates does not prove any causal link. The project presents evidence that mass prosperity and education are the most important root causes of both democracy and power. That’s why democratic great powers have dominated the modern world system. Democracy almost certainly reduced state murder rates. But power had a much stronger impact on state murder rates than regime type. The astonishingly high murder rates of advanced democracies don’t reflect a greater willingness, but greater capacities to conquer and kill. Democracies weren’t more prone to violence. They had greater opportunities to use force.
Harvard-professor Steven Pinker wrote to me in an e-mail exchange about this study: “You make some excellent points, but I think it is ill-advised to use ‘democracy’ as the common denominator behind these atrocities, since it’s just a correlate. We’re living in an age in which democracy is under threat.”
Pinker is right to be concerned. The correlation between democracy and state murder rates can be dangerously misleading. So why should we focus at all on the correlation between democracy and state murder rates? Why even talk about regime type in this context, if power seems to be of much greater importance? Because even the correlation challenges the comfortable notion that Western democracies have been the most important force for good throughout history. Many people assume that mass killings by democracies were rare exceptions. If this were true, the impact of democracy on state murder rates would outweigh or at least match the impact of power. We must not relegate mass atrocities by democracies to mere footnotes in history.
We always have to keep in mind that imperialism is a form of authoritarian rule whether the imperial power is a democracy or not. So it is wrong to blame democracy for the wrongdoings of democratic governments abroad. If we add the numbers for noncitizens killed by democratic pioneers to the number of innocent people killed by dictatorships – since imperialism is by definition a form of dictatorship -, we find that democracies have a great track record of protecting human rights. But we must not close our eyes to the bizarre twist of history that democracies routinely used dictatorial methods against noncitizens.
No quantitative study can ever replace nuanced discussions about qualitative aspects, unique features, moral complexities and historical contexts of mass atrocities. It’s my overall impression that democracies were significantly less likely to commit genocide. They have also become less violent, cruel and selfish over time both at home and abroad. According to my analysis British colonial rule in India was the largest mass killing in history. But the Nazi Holocaust was the worst atrocity of all time.
To experience the unveiling of the Global Apartheid Project firsthand, watch our captivating video, “Time Travel Infographics – A Surprising New History of the 74 Largest Mass Killings Since 1769,” available on YouTube. Embark on a science-based journey through time as animated infographics bring to life the 74 atrocities committed by both dictatorships and democracies. Please don’t forget to like, share, and subscribe to our channel.
The analysis of part II is only the first in a number of comparisons between democracies and nondemocracies in this project. Part III discusses the legacy of colonialism, slavery, war and authoritarian misrule. Scientific evidence shows that colonial rule, slavery and dictatorship had a negative long-run impact on the development of most countries in the Global South. Studies prove that they suffer up until today from the neglect of education and health care, deindustrialization, arbitrary borders and exploitation in the 19th and 20th century. They suggest that the empires of Britain, France and other democratic nations have brought at least as much harm and suffering to the Global South as nondemocratic empires and domestic regimes, eventhough it is impossible to know for sure.
Part IV compares major episodes of declining life expectancy caused by democratic and nondemocratic governments since 1769. These estimates are even more speculative. But they too suggest that advanced democracies have caused a disproportionate amount of suffering in relation to their population sizes in the last 250 years. Most lists for the largest mass killings miss many episodes of economic state crimes which are harder to analyze. That’s because they are highly complex, indirect and spread out widely over time and space. A corrupt regime which stays in power for a long time can permanently lower life expectancy for the majority of the population for many years. But if this reduction in life expectancy is a slow and gradual process and the result of many different forms of exploitation and mismanagement by the regime, it may be hard to clearly distinguish between economic failures and state crimes. It also makes it much harder to put a precise number on excess deaths.
These comparisons still don’t include any numbers on major crimes like global warming, migration barriers, unfair trade deals, tax havens, tariffs and subsidies, the arms trade, patent laws or austerity measures. All of these crimes and many other examples for the mistreatment of the poor and powerless by democracies and dictatorships are discussed in part V. It shows that all of these different methods of subjugation cause far more suffering than most Westerners imagine. Each study analyzes one type of unconventional crime with tools from moral philosophy and psychology. It presents expert estimates of the number of excess deaths or people thrown into poverty by each method. These estimates suggest that direct mass killings in a very narrow sense of the word – also called “democides” by thinkers like Rudolph Rummel – make up only a small fraction of the overall number of early deaths caused by government policies after 1945.
All the studies in part V can be understood as a search for economic and environmental crimes which are particularly hard to find and analyze. They are hidden in huge inequalities in life expectancy both inside countries and between them. Some of these crimes have caused more excess deaths than most of the 74 episodes of mass killing discussed in part II. I will leave it up to the readers to decide which of the numbers for excess deaths from these crimes should be added to the numbers presented in part II.
The types of crimes discussed in part V have been growing in importance since the birth of modernity. Modern societies have gradually become more complex. They have developed extremely sophisticated economic, political and bureaucratic systems. The same is true for their crimes. Modern nations use more complex and sophisticated methods to pursue their economic and security interests. Any comparison of crimes committed by democracies and nondemocracies which doesn’t discuss unconventional state crimes is misleading – and increasingly so, the closer it gets to the present age. A narrow analytic focus on direct killings probably distorts the results in favour of the most modern nations, which tend to be democracies. After 1945 democracies had a lower state murder rate than nondemocracies if we exclude all the unconventional crimes discussed in part V. This decline in the state murder rates of democracies are partially the result of genuine moral progress in the advanced democracies. But it partially reflects the growing importance of unconventional crimes. It is hard to say which factors mattered the most.
The project analyzes the global power structures which wealthy democracies use to ensure their interests. It intends to show that our times have far more in common with the colonial era than most Westerners realize. We are witness to real economic, technological, political and moral progress around the world. But this progress hides a brutal system of segregation, exploitation and mass murder. The systematic discrimination of noncitizens by leading democracies is an integral and essential feature of the present day global order. Today the owners of a passport from a powerful democracy enjoy vast privileges, which resemble the ones enjoyed by whites in the race hierarchies of the colonial period. The dehumanization of people in the Global South has become more subtle, more complex, more subconscious. The vicious Apartheid systems of the colonial period have mostly been overcome. But the rich countries still use the global power gap to their own advantage. They have made most progress in the art and science of airbrushing their hideous crimes out of the picture. They outsource the worst exploitation and let local allies do most of the dirty work. They use economic blackmail and coercive diplomacy to force weaker countries into submission. Some progress is genuine. Some progress is an illusion.
Part VI summarizes and discusses the main results of parts II, III, IV and V. It compares the direct and indirect killings committed by advanced democracies and corrupt dictatorships. The evidence is far from conclusive. But it also suggests that the corruption of advanced democracies has caused disproportionately high numbers of early deaths compared to autocratic regimes. As my theory predicts, the vast majority of the people killed, tortured or thrown into poverty by democratic governments weren’t citizens. The analysis in Part VI also suggests that advanced democracies did have higher state murder rates than dictatorships after 1945 if we include some of the unconventional crimes.
Many of the numbers on wars, mass killings, famines and unconventional crimes like global warming are highly controversial among experts. Many estimates depend on debatable assumptions. Different types of crimes are hard to compare. Most importantly, economic and environmental crimes make up a larger share of the overall crime record of democracies. Furthermore, an astonishingly high number of crimes were committed by nondemocratic governments which were supported by democratic governments. These cases raise the tricky question of how much responsibility we should attribute to each perpetrator. So to be clear: we will never have precise numbers about how many people were killed, tortured or thrown into poverty by democracies or nondemocracies. But if we give it our best to get plausible estimates about major crimes, we can have more honest and better informed debates about democracy, human rights, poverty and war. The numbers certainly don’t support the widespread view that democratic frontrunners have consistently shown greater respect for human rights throughout history. My analysis suggests a far more complex and irritating pattern.
The following diagram shows my main line of argument. The green boxes contain the names of thinkers whose books and studies contain evidence for certain parts of the argument. I have used the different shades of yellow, orange and red to signal low, medium-size and high rates of state murder. I will explain this theory in great detail in part I of this project. The cool water condition is the name for a specific constellation of geographical conditions which have been very favourable to economic growth and modernization processes. They have been identified by Christian Welzel and his colleagues. Mass education and prosperity – in this order – have been the most important root causes of democracy, liberalism and the rule of law. Mass prosperity has been the number one determinant of state power. I claim that the causal chain on the right has had a stronger effect on state murder rates than the one on the left. Simply put: Power had a more powerful impact on state murder rates than regime type. That’s why rich and powerful democracies had higher state murder rates than dictatorships.
Our video “The Rise of Democratic Imperialism” explains this philosophical framework. Watch it on you tube. Please don’t forget to like, share and subscribe to our channel.
Most readers will disagree with many or some of my numbers and arguments. And that is totally fine. This project is about the big picture – and it is not a pretty one. What may surprise and shock many readers is the way I structure and interpret the basic facts. I will use insights from moral philosophy and social psychology to carefully scrutinize the smartest justifications for the status quo. The system of global apartheid is hidden in plain sight. It is the 800 pound gorilla in the room. Once you see it, you will never be able to unsee it. Once you see it, you will see it everywhere. Once you see it, you will find it hard to believe that so many people are largely blind to it. And you will never again be fooled by its many disguises.
This is no anti-Western conspiracy theory. It is wrong to blame colonialism, imperialism or neoliberalism for all the world’s ills. The internal institutions of the advanced democracies are the most successful and humane the world has ever seen. That’s why so many risk their lives to get into Europe, the USA, Canada or Australia. That’s why most of the global poor would love their societies to follow the path which the old democracies have paved. I have met many human rights activists, anti-poverty campaigners and ordinary people in the Global South. Most of them find much to admire about the institutions, norms and technologies of prosperous Western democracies. But most of them feel disappointed, bitter, sad, confused or angry about the many injuries inflicted upon them by Western powers since colonial times. They have a love-hate relationship with the most powerful democracies. They are faced with the puzzling fact that the proud – and often arrogant – people from the exciting new world of prosperity, enlightenment and freedom brought poverty, violence and humiliation to their world – not always, but all too often. Most of them don’t support any terrorism. They don’t hate us. They don’t blame us for all of their problems. They want peace, communication, understanding, reconciliation. But they demand justice and truth, respect and – most of all – change, serious change. They demand a world order that isn’t rigged in favor of the rich and powerful. They demand global institutions that benefit the poor, the sick and the powerless first and foremost. Only together can we bring down the physical and mental walls that separate us.
When people read about history, they often ask themselves why so many people used to justify or accept dictatorial rule, slavery or violence against women and children. They are shocked by the dangerous illusions which can infect millions of ordinary people like a virus. Stanley Cohen wrote in his book “States of Denial” about our troubling capacity for self-deception: “There seem to be states of mind, or even whole cultures, in which we know and don’t know at the same time.” This book shows that our societies aren’t so different. We are still under the spell of ideologies which justify what cannot be justified. “History is written by the winners”, George Orwell once wrote. Western democracies have been the big winners in the major power struggles of the last 250 years. They have used their victories to shape our collective memory of all major historic events since the birth of the modern world. Many crimes of Western democracies disappeared in Orwell’s memory hole.
“Power tends to corrupt. Absolute power corrupts absolutely”, the British politician Lord Acton once said. The quote is mostly used to condemn totalitarian rule. But Acton’s words also apply to the global concentration of power by leading democracies since the Industrial Revolution. The lack of accountability for the mistreatment of noncitizens is the main source of ethical failures by democratic systems. Imperial powers tend to be even less responsive to the needs of conquered populations than domestic dictatorships. That’s why imperial democracies have often caused even more suffering in far-away countries than domestic autocracies.
Since the age of colonialism a system of propaganda, self-deceit and rationalization has co-evolved with a global system of discrimination, exploitation and oppression. Both systems have become ever more sophisticated over time. They have taken different shapes and forms in different countries. But they serve the same functions. They have enabled the citizens of wealthy countries to further enrich themselves while hiding the cruelty they inflict on the wretched of the earth. They have helped the beneficiaries of these systems to feel morally superior to their victims.
Most of the seemingly smart arguments given in defense of the world order quickly fall apart on closer inspection. Our democratic emperors wear no clothes. Their ideologies have produced terrifying Orwellian Newspeak which rivals those produced by fascist, communist or theocratic rulers. The largest temples of greed ever built are called “tax havens”. It must be where taxes are safe from a raging sea. “Comprehensive sanctions” don’t sound like an attempt to starve innocent people into submission. Words like “enhanced interrogation techniques” and “collateral damage” make it much easier to enjoy a peaceful family dinner after watching the six o’clock news.
History has taught us that any flag can be used as a blinder that keeps people from seeing the poverty, death and destruction brought about by their government’s wrongdoings. There is no god whose name has not been misused and abused to torture and kill. There is no noble idea – like democracy and freedom or social justice and equality – which cannot be turned into a sharp propaganda weapon. In his essay “The Power of the Powerless” Czech dissident Vaclav Havel explains how a sign saying: “Workers of the world, unite!” can be used to express loyalty to communist oppression. What’s wrong with that slogan? Nothing at all. In the same way, a sign saying: “Freedom and democracy” can be used to show support for bombing countries into rubble. It is of course foolish to think that big words about democracy magically turn wrongdoings into blessings. It is equally foolish to blame democracy for the crimes committed in its name. What I call democratic tribalism is deeply antidemocratic. It has the same damaging effects on the human mind as any other nationalist, religious or secular ideology which people use to skillfully fool themselves and others. The pigs in George Orwell’s “Animal Farm” justify their new reign of terror with the words: “All animals are equal. But some animals are more equal than others”. Orwell had stalinism in mind. The democratic despots of our world also claim to fight for equality. But they treat the animals on their democratic farms as if they were more equal than others. They speak of unalienable and universal rights. But you won’t get any of them without a passport which confirms your status as a democratic farm animal.
Imperial democracies certainly weren’t the most cruel regimes in history. But they are world leaders in hypocrisy. They only conquer with their moral sails fully rigged.
There are arguments for the current world order that can not be dismissed so easily. Many have argued that the data on global poverty, health and violence clearly shows that the world is getting better. The World Bank estimates that the percentage of the world population living on less than 1.90 Dollar a day has declined from 37.1 percent in 1990 to 9.6 percent in 2015. In his opus magnum “The Great Escape” Nobel Laureate in Economics Angus Deaton documents huge progress in the global fight against poverty and early death since the Industrial Revolution. In his impressive book “The Better Angels of Our Nature” the linguist and psychologist Steven Pinker claims to show that violence has been in decline around the world for decades and centuries – not always, not everywhere, but in most countries and most of the time. In his equally impressive book “Only the Dead” political scientist Bear Braumoeller uses sophisticated statistical methods and clever arguments to challenge Pinker’s hypothesis that violence is in decline. He shows that violence and war are highly unpredictable. In his view it is impossible to say for sure whether the world has become more peaceful or not. His book is a warning. The crucial numbers about the most basic trends in modern history certainly show that we do have a realistic chance to make poverty and war history, possibly in this century. Hopeful news!
So what went right? There seems to be an easy and obvious way to find out. We can look at country rankings on the issues which matter most to most people: prosperity, health, education, crime, happiness and so on. Some countries end up in the Top Twenty of most country rankings. They perform well on the Human Development Index, the World Happiness Index, the Gender Empowerment Index and many other rankings. Most of these countries are in Northern and Western Europe. Then there are Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Taiwan and South Korea. The United States, Chile, Israel and some countries in Eastern Europe do well on most issues, but fail on others. So what do all our lucky winners have in common? They are liberal democracies with strong protections of basic human rights. They also combine dynamic market economies with smart welfare states.
Many people see a clear and straightforward connection: Western democracies use their power to help the rest of the world make progress. The most advanced civilization in world history supports the poor and oppressed in their struggles against deprivation and despotism. Simply put: the world is getting a better place, because the good guys rule. This conclusion may sound convincing. But of course we need to consider many potential root causes for human progress.
The so called Long Peace after World War II was mostly a great power peace. All the major democracies and dictatorships were able to avoid a direct war with catastrophic consequences. The era after 1945 also saw the largest wave of decolonization in history. Many countries gained their independence from democratic and dictatorial empires. Most democracies and dictatorships supported the United Nations and other forums for peaceful cooperation and diplomacy. So there are many reasons to question the widespread belief that Western hegemony was the main reason for the decline in violence after the horrors of the world wars.
A rise in mutually beneficial cooperation between countries has certainly helped to reduce poverty and war around the globe. All sides were concerned about their own interests. So no side deserves moral credit. New technologies and knowledge gains also helped to improve living standards around the globe. But most of them weren’t the result of research investments aimed at reducing poverty or disease around the globe.
This project intends to show that developing countries have been able to make progress in reducing poverty and violence, even though the world system has been rigged against them in multiple ways. Poor countries have made progress despite the predatory politics of leading democracies and dictatorships. We need to keep in mind which countries lifted the largest numbers of people out of poverty in the last thirty years. China, India, Pakistan, Vietnam, Indonesia, the Philippines, Russia and Brazil were responsible for most of the global reduction in extreme poverty. These countries have also seen reductions in violence. Can we conclude from this that these emerging powers had great government structures and institutions in recent decades? Of course not. The cheerleaders of the current world order aren’t big fans of the political systems of China and Russia. In fact, they see them as the two main rivals of the West. But they often point to the global decline of poverty and violence to legitimize Western global hegemony. What’s true for major developing countries has also been true for the global order as a whole: millions of people have found ways to escape extreme poverty or violence, even though they faced unfavourable conditions.
The basic numbers about global inequality paint a dark picture of a world order which certainly hasn’t been favorable to the poor. Global inequality has grown ever more extreme. In their 2022-report “Inequality Kills” Oxfam has come up with mind-boggling numbers: “The top 10 richest people have just over six times more wealth than the bottom 40%” – 3.100 million poor people! In their 2020-report “Time to Care” they claimed: “The world’s richest 1% have more than twice as much wealth as 6.9 billion people” – the poorest 90% of humanity. This obscene level of inequality clearly shows that the rich everywhere were able to use their power for their own benefit. It also shows that the lives of the poor could be improved by smart redistribution of wealth without causing economic harm. Finally, it shows the need to investigate the extent to which lobbying, corruption, discrimination and the use of force have all contributed to the rise of inequality around the world.
Hyperinequality is not based on democratic consent, but on structural violence, corruption, intimidation and propaganda. Global inequality has become so severe that both national and international injustices must have played important roles in its rise. The rich elites of both rich and poor countries were able to rig their national economies in their favor. The rich countries were able to rig the global economy to their own benefit. And the global superrich were able to rig both global and national systems to further enrich themselves. In other words: the world order is a global supercleptocracy that incorporates many cleptocratic subsystems. The deck is heavily stacked against the poorest of the poor.
The moral philosopher Thomas Pogge has pointed out that “the morally relevant comparison of existing poverty is not with historical benchmarks, but with present possibilities: How much of this poverty is really unavoidable today?” This is the right question to ask whether we are discussing national or global systems. I mostly agree with Pogge’s own answer to the question: “By this standard, our generation is doing worse than any in human history.”
Most country rankings completely ignore the relationships and interactions between countries. They treat every country as an island. They are blind to all influences of foreign powers. All these ways of comparing isolated countries are heavily biased in favor of governments, which treat their own citizens well, but cause massive suffering outside of their own borders. What if many of the gains in prosperity, security and democracy in the West are the result of institutional designs that favored them for decades, even centuries? International country rankings in 1900 clearly show that Britain was far more prosperous and democratic than India. Belgium was more liberal and peaceful than the Congo at the time. The Netherlands had better education and health care than Indonesia. France had less corruption and crime than Algeria. So do these rankings tell the whole story? Of course not.
Developing countries can learn a lot from Western societies about democratic order, rule of law and a modern economy. Many of their political, economic and intellectual leaders have observed and studied Western societies. Nelson Mandela once said about the new South Africa: “Being latecomers to freedom and democracy, we have the benefit of the experience of others.” It is a tragic irony that the external politics of the democratic pioneers make it much harder for poor countries to reproduce their successes. Poor countries today face all the same obstacles to their development that the rich countries once had to overcome. But on top of that they have to face the obstacles that the rich countries have put in their way. Many citizens of advanced democracies feel proud when their successes inspire poor countries to undertake crucial reforms. But the citizens of poor countries don’t have to be grateful to the West for showing the way. When the leaders of the Indian independence movement created their democratic system, they where inspired by British democracy. But it would have never occurred to them to thank Britain for that – the same country which ruled over them with an iron fist for almost two centuries.
Many Western hawks suggest that their enthusiastic support for Western imperialism shows how much they love democracy. They demonize outspoken critics of the wrongdoings of leading democracies as anti-Western extremists, terrorist sympathizers or puppets of hostile dictatorships. This habitual smearing of any meaningful opposition to massive abuses of power is of course deeply antidemocratic. Speaking truth to power is the number one duty of all democracy defenders whether this power is democratic or not. This project is all about the most dangerous shortcomings of democracy. It is about dictatorial rule in the name of democracy. Nevertheless, it is a defense of democracy. Its intention is to help improve and strengthen democracies at home and abroad. Let’s make our democracies work for the poor and the powerless everywhere! Isn’t that the most noble goal for any truly democratic society? Isn’t that what democracy was always meant to do?
Many Westerners claim that criticizing democracies too much only makes autocratic regimes look good in comparison. But of course it isn’t the criticism, but the real suffering caused by Western crimes which makes it is easier for dictators to blame Western imperialism for all the misery in their countries. Every crime committed by a leading democracy in a foreign country makes it harder for human rights activists in the target nation to win the hearts and minds of their compatriots. In any conflict people tend to talk bad about the enemy’s institutions, values and norms. Moreover, Western military or economic interventions often undermine wealth creation, education and security – the main root causes of successful democratization. So when powerful democracies attack weaker countries, they often foster authoritarianism and extremism.
In recent years, a global movement of scientists, philosophers, activists and philanthropists have started looking for the most effective ways to do good in the world. They call their movement “effective altruism”. Organizations like GiveWell, the Jameel Poverty Action Lab and the Copenhagen Consensus Center compare the results of scientific studies about cost-effective methods to save lives, reduce poverty and improve living standards. This project demonstrates that some of the most effective ways to make the world a better place are political actions which keep the leading democracies from hurting the poor and powerless in the Global South. Even partial changes could save millions of lives.
The project also shows that the greatest dangers to humankind in the 21st century are to a significant degree the result of Western politics. Western democracies have caused most of the global warming, which is a great threat to human civilization. During the Cold War the nuclear war planning of both the United States and the Soviet Union greatly increased the risk of nuclear armageddon. Today only Russia and the US maintain nuclear arsenals and strategies which could kill most of humankind.
I hope this project helps to foster communication, understanding and compassion between the citizens of rich and poor countries. Its main focus is the dark side of democracy. Too much darkness can cause feelings of anger, sadness, frustration, guilt, fear or confusion. All these feelings can push us into action. But if they become too strong, they can pull us down. When sadness turns into depression or anger into hatred, it may be time to take a break. In his iconic Dream-Speech Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. warned the crowds: “Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.” But he also reminded his listeners of “the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.”
Every human being faces moral challenges. For the rich it’s much easier to hide their wrongdoings and seize the moral high ground. They can easily blame the poor for the chaos and violence which are the result of daily hardships and endless struggles. This project contains a clear message to those who live in unprecedented wealth and security, but look down on the poor and powerless: You had better face your own violence, greed and hypocrisy, before you point your finger at people who are forced to survive under circumstances that would destroy you within days.
The systems of democratic imperialism certainly aren’t the only sources of poverty, misery and violence in the world. But they are major root causes of our world’s greatest ills. This project does not offer a grand narrative which explains all and everything. It simply offers a new perspective. The good-versus-evil fairytale in which heroic democracies protect the world from the forces of darkness is a form of extremism in denial. But it is very dangerous to replace it with an equally simplistic narrative which portraits the Western powers as villains who are out to destroy the world.
We need to defend the great gift of democracy against those who turn its meaning on its head.
Democracy is one of the greatest inventions of all time. We must never again let governments kill in the name of democracy.
Content Summary
Down below you find the basic plan for this project. This overview is fairly important, because my line of argumentation is very complex. The case against the leading democracies isn’t an easy one. Subscribe to our newsletter to get all the latest updates.
Part I presents my basic philosophy. It analyzes the fundamental structures and doctrines of democratic rule at home and abroad.
Part II discusses the 74 largest mass killings since 1769.
Part III dicusses the long-term impact of colonialism, dictatorship, war and famine.
Part IV discusses major episodes of reduced life expectancy.
Part V analyzes the toolkit of modern imperialism. Each study is dedicated to one type of method by which the rich democracies have increased poverty, misery and violence in the Global South. In each one I give a very rough estimate of the number of lives lost and the damage done. I am not an expert in any of the topics discussed. So in every case I will recommend documentaries, books and articles by experts on the issue.
Part VI summarizes and discusses the main findings of parts II, III, IV and V. The findings will also be documented in an online world map, which documents major crimes of advanced democracies in every country of the Global South.
Part VII offers thoughts and ideas about how we can bring about serious changes to the world order. I hope this project helps to bring activists together who campaign against different crimes in different ways.
The bibliography for this website can be found here.
Table of Contents
This is the project plan. For all the latest updates subscribe to our newsletter. We will also publish free PDF-versions of the updated project, which can be read like a book.
Introduction: The Democracy Paradox
I. Theory
Three Layers of Concern
Democratic Tribalism
The Roots of Liberal Democracy
Tribalism of the Rich: Old and New Prejudices Against the Poor
Global Power
The Democratic Peace Illusion
Perfect Crimes Which Can’t be Captured on Film
Evaluating Crimes
We can Become What we Pretend to be
II. Comparing Democracies and Dictatorships: The 74 Largest Mass Killings 1769-2018
III. The Weight of History: The Legacy of Colonialism, Dictatorship, War and Famine
Neglect of Education by Colonial Powers and Authoritarian Regimes
Deindustrialization under Colonial Rule
Colonial Borders and Conflict
The Long-Term Impact of War, Corruption and Authoritarian Misrule
IV. Comparing Democracies and Dictatorships: Major Episodes of Declining Life Expectancy Caused by Government Policies 1769-2018
V. The Toolkit of Modern Imperialism
Introduction: Unnecessary Suffering in the New World Order
Global Warming: Industrialization for the Rich – Floods, Storms and Droughts for the Poor
Nuclear Holocaust: The Threat of Total Annihilation
Our Bastards: Western Support for Dictatorships, Authoritarianism and Armed groups
Migration Controls: Forcing the Poor Into Homelands
Tax Havens: Global Cleptocracy
Embargoes: Silent Weapons of Mass Destruction
Antimicrobial Resistance: Wasting Essential Medicines
The Global Arms Trade: Merchants of Death
Austerity by Force: Undermining Social Security, Education, Health Care and Democracy
Subsidies and Tariffs: Free Markets for the Rich, Market Barriers for the Poor
Dead Babies: How the Milk Formula Industry Keeps Poor Mothers from Breastfeeding
Global Patent Enforcement: Depriving the Poor of Medical Treatment
Odious Debts: Making Poor Countries Pay for Colonialism and Dictatorship
Big Tobacco, Big Alcohol, Big Sugar: Fighting Effective Health Measures
Drug Prohibition: How the Global War on Drugs Fuels Global Drug Wars
Torture: The Dungeons of the Civilized World
Political Interference: Election Rigging, State Propaganda, Psychological Warfare
Outsourcing of Pollution: Low Prices for the Rich, Poisonous Environments for the Poor
Global Landlords: Land Grabbing
Wars: Peace for the Powerful, Endless Wars for the Powerless
Blood Oil, Blood Diamonds: Financing the Resource Curse
Extrajudicial Killings: Death Penalty Without Trial
Outsourcing of Hard Labor: Low Prices for the Rich, Low Wages for the Poor
Freedom of Speech: Silencing Dissent Around the World
Global Surveillance: Big Brother is Watching the World
Transparency: State Crimes, State Secrecy
Gunboat Diplomacy: Extreme Demands, Constant Threats and Broken Promises
Arbitrary Arrests and Kidnappings
Soft Fundamentalism at Home, Hard Fundamentalism Abroad
Hyperinequality: How Rich Nations Let Millions Die
VI. Summary and Discussion
Comparing Crimes by Democracies and other Regime Types
Open Questions
The Interactive World Map: Documenting Crimes by Advanced Democracies Since 1769
VII. Action
Local Tyrants, Global Tyrants
The Trojan Horse of Democracy
The Science of Change
Global Communication, Global Resistance
Appendix
Cost-Effective Aid Programs to Save and Improve Lives